THE MEANING OF ETHNO- RELIGIOUS CONFLICT

THE MEANING OF ETHNO- RELIGIOUS CONFLICT

 

CHAPTER ONE

Introduction

Conflicts between communities that define themselves along ethno-religious lines and in which religion is an essential component of social and cultural life are referred to as ethno-religious conflicts. Sharp divisions between parties and more group mobilization can result from religious identity. The high rate of civilian casualties, suicide bombings, ethnic cleansing, and actions “legitimized” by religious language in texts and images are other defining characteristics. These wars are frequently intra-state, especially in areas where there has been a long history of hostility and where there is post-colonial poverty, political unrest, and economic instability. Religious leaders frequently take advantage of times of unrest by organizing on moral grounds to overthrow established governments.

In Nigeria, many significant developments occurred during the colonial era that weren’t brought about by if not for the British government’s administrative ease and exploitation, the country’s growth and progress. The topic of ethnicity or tribalism in the sociopolitical and economic situation in Nigeria was not properly resolved since the colonial masters were only interested in issues that facilitated their exploitation agenda. Noting the strategy used by European colonial masters on their colonies, Rodney Walter claims that because ethnic and religious royalties that go by the name of tribalism cannot be resolved by the colonial state, they tend to promote unhealthy forms. In fact, their colonial powers occasionally saw the value in stoking the internal tribal jealousies as a way to prevent the colonized from dealing with the primary contradiction that is classic and rule.1

Writing about ethnic minority violence in Tafawa Balewa, Dauda also noted that the integration of various groups through colonialism into the advanced capitalist economy brought new and competitive notions of development, intensified already-existing conflict, and produced various groups, such as those competing for public employment, admission to schools, particularly higher institutions, and distribution of state resources of all which are scarce and therefore constitute the reason for the violence.

The issue of ethnic and religious nationalism in Nigeria has recently been more prevalent in two regions: the middle belt zone and the south-south zone, where there is a contradiction of many different national groupings that are difficult to categorize. The deadly unrest that has erupted in Kaduna, Jos, as well as among the Urohobo, Itsekiri, Tiv, Jukun, and Kuteb all within these zones, attests to the delicate matter at hand. All the ethnic nationalist want to exercise authority and power over local issues of interest that, while local, are nonetheless extremely important, such as education, the environment, agriculture, fisheries, religion, etc. Despite the fact that Ekwekwe’s assertion is largely acceptable, it should be emphasized that ethnic and religious allegiance cross boundaries, which is why the government and the both ethnocentrism and “religion” may govern. 3 In a similar spirit, Ujo notes that the partition of the national cake, or the problem of resource allocation, lies at the heart of the ethnicity controversy. Ethnic or religious differences are frequently utilized by one group when it feels threatened or defrauded in order to ensure intercommunal conflict. 4

It is important to note that the problem of revenue distribution cannot be ignored; the formula for doing so in Nigeria can be said to be unstable, leading to fluctuations from year to year. The events of the 1970s and 1980s are pertinent to this issue, though perhaps not the most significant change, may be traced back to 1969.

Until this date, “Derivation” was the main factor in determining how much money the state would receive. The old western religion, for instance, was able to generate the majority of its income from cocoa, the eastern region from palm produce, and the northern region from cotton and ground nuts, but by the late I960s, derivation had gradually lost its significance in the distribution of revenues. Even back then, it had grown into a significant bone of contention between the states that produced the most oil and the federal government.

There is a degradation in the quality, and young people who have grown up in a culture of state-sponsored violence inevitably function under a logic that sees power and violence as the solution to all issues, effectiveness and impact of the Nigeria politics.

Culture and profession no doubt include the space for the use of violence to thrive in our society. A report by Ocheche affirms that the militaristic society of Nigeria influenced certain types of behaviours which have influenced the political community, corruption was prevalent, the economy was highly dependent on oil production the media was kept uninformed, and concerns from the privates sector were ignored. Some multinationals contributed to escalating conflicts in the country with their involvement in the importation arms and ammunition particularly in the Niger Delta, shell, confronted with the evidence of gun running, said that it only imported 107 hand guns – not too long ago in the Ilaje community of Ondo-State, the America oil giant chevron procured and flew in armed soldiers who came down heavily on defenseless peaceful demonstrators who occupied their parable oil facility two youths were shot dead and several others were injured in that operation that was supervised by chevron.

The armed conflict report disclosed that at least 23,000 Fulani herders have fled Nigeria’s eastern Taraba state to Cameroon to escape clashes which broke out in the Mabila Plateau with farming communities at the beginning of the year. Attacks on Fulani pastoralists who produced 75 percent of the protein needs the country are becoming incessant particularly in states like Plateau state, Nasarawa, Bauchi, Taraba and Benue states. Between 1st and 7th January more than 96 herdsmen and 53,791 cattle were lost.6 Okafor posits ethnic and religious riot in Nigeria between 1980 and 1995 alone have been so destructive that one would wonder why this would not breed distrust among the various groups and undermine the patriotic tendencies of utility in the country. To a large extent, the economic havoc, the social disruption, and political instability brought about these crises that are undermining the foundation of corporate existence of Nigeria.

Okafor also affirmed that inter-ethnic relationship among the different tribes and tongues in Nigeria is not that of brotherhood as urged by the national anthem but that characterized by mutual suspicion and distrust. According to political Bureau report 1987, the two organised religions in Nigeria hate the tendency to delay national integration in Nigeria because of their negative tendency to create competing social orders and to define the most basic community thereby challenging the national community of Nigeria. On the whole, the fear of domination whether real or imaginary backed by bitter experiences in the past tend to fuel rancour and disharmony among diverse interest groups. In the same vein Nnoli asserted that in the struggle to protect life and property ethnic and religious lines are sharply demarcated the individuals identity and exclusiveness are vividly circumscribed as each act of such violence more than any other factor leaves behind the longest bitter memories of inter-ethno religious.

This is essentially so because it touches on those aspects, or means existences that are dearest to him.9 He concludes that inherent in violence are escalating conflict and tension, since violence leave behind a lingering taste of bitterness, it is very difficult for tension to return to its original level at the end of violent activities, instead equilibrium is achieved at a different but higher level of hostility between the preparations and the victims such upward shifts accounts for the control increase in communal violence, in such cases, growth intension becomes greater than otherwise.

Ethnic and religious violence does not only portray the country as unstable but also hinders meaningful investment and development, the chairman man time workers union of Nigeria, Joseph Akpiri disclosed to the vanguard that the crisis in the oil rich city Warri is having adverse effects on port operations, Comrade Akpiri also noted that the fighting in Warri has affected foreign vessels from calling at the port. He observed that such ships were normally intercepted mid sea and huge sums of money were extorted from the crew. With the crisis however work has been grounded at the port and his members and their families where finding it difficult to sustain themselves.10

In the light of these serious negative-consequences there is need for proper management and ethnic and religious conflict in Nigeria, which create or sense of insecurity to the state, apart from posing serious danger to the nation’s stability it encourages immoral sentiments and cleavages. If the truth must be told, very few Nigerians can be described as successfully detribalized considering the fact that politicians both civil and military have consistency used tribal and religious sentiments to their advantage, it would be in comprehensible to talk of a totally detribalized Nigeria.11

The state of insecurity makes it easier for people to give solidarity to their ethnic group as this seems to be the only way for them to have their own share of the national cake, this state of insecurity is not only expressed in this present generation, but in the generation to come, if left unattended, to these crisis could rapidly erode people’s confidence in the nation and share the foundation of democratic institution in the country, the lingering crises are associated with loss of lives and properties, displacement of people and traumatic experiment as the poor and idle youths are prone to be used as they want, for an opportunity to took and steal what they cannot legally have. Furthermore, the violent crises experienced the majority of people view recent crises like the Tiv-Jukun crisis, Ife and Moda-Keke dispute, Jos crisis, and many others as manifestations of pent-up rage brought on by specific neglects and injustices endured by various ethnic groups involved both in the past and present. 12 The findings have clearly demonstrated how the Jos crisis has impacted the lives of persons living in Jos as well as the Nigerian economy and development as a whole. Nonetheless, ethno-religious crises pose a threat to the survival and development of the nation.

Endnotes

Building Global Culture: Transnational Non Governmental Organizations since 1895, John Boli and George M. Thomas (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1999).
Human Rights in the New World Order, by John Donnelly, in Charles W. Kegley, Jr. and Eugene R. Wittkopf (eds. ), The Global Agenda: Problems and Perspectives (New York: McGraw-Hill Inc., 2009), p. 194.
T. R. Gurr, Minorities at Risk: A World Perspective of Ethno Political Conflicts, United States Institute of Peace Press, Washington, D.C., 1993.