Comparative Analysis Of Federalism And Natural Resource Management In Nigeria And South Africa (1960-2010)

Comparative Analysis Of Federalism And Natural Resource Management In Nigeria And South Africa (1960-2010)

Abstract

The history of humanity in all generation has been a struggle dominated by the need to enhance his material condition either as an individual or as a collectivity. The struggle for material condition has led to the elaboration of different types of political systems, which include federalism. Importantly, each state is endowed with different kinds of natural coffers, which has formed development in some countries and underdevelopment in others. While scholars have made substantial benefactions on the nature, structure, energy and economics of federalism, veritably little sweats has been directed to a relative analysis of the impact of the structure of federalism on profit allocation and the operation of natural coffers in Nigeria and South Africa. In particular, this study attempts to resolve the following mystifications as delineated( i) how does the structure of federalism impact on the pattern of profit allocation among the constituent units in Nigeria and South Africa?( ii) Do the proceeds from natural coffers exploitation in Nigeria and South Arica adequately enhance the provision of introductory social amenities?( iii) Does the part of the state in Nigeria engender conflict in resource access and operation in contradistinction to the part of the state in South Africa? The study espoused the attestation system of data collection. The study also espoused the introductory propositions expiring from the Marxian political frugality approach, which are applicable to Nigeria and South African social conformations as our theoretical frame of analysis. Among other effects, the study revealed that the unstable structure of the Nigerian federalism impact disproportionately on the profit allocated to the element units, while the structure of the South African federalism enhances equitability in profit allocations. The study also observed that the proceeds from the exploitation of natural coffers didn’t adequately impact on the provision of introductory social amenities in both Nigeria and South Africa. The study recommend for the restructuring of Nigerian Federalism witha-three-tier government grounded on the being 6 geo- political zones as the leaguing units. Again, the government should legislate law that ensures that proceeds from natural resource exploitation are used to give introductory social amenities to the entire political system, but particularly to the region of birth.

CHAPTER ONE

preface

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

A veritably striking point of every civil state is the actuality of diversities. Whether coalitions are formed by integration of preliminarily independent realities or through isolation of a single reality into numerous factors, the central motive is generally to enhance political and profitable benefits. The nature and energy of civil countries are generally told by the structure of its internal territorial configuration. As a result, the different element units that make up the confederation struggle for profitable and socio- political dominance. In this struggle, the state is the major middleman and distributor of all the boons and this part increases the value of the state. As editorialized by Suberu( 1998277), the line

demarking politics and economics has been canceled as state power equals wealth and wealth is

the pathway to power.

In this connect, Awa( 197612), contends that one of the points of federalism is that profitable coffers in colorful element units should be used in such a way that the entire political system benefits equitably from the husbandry of scale. The political system in a civil state is generally a configuration of ethnical, religious and artistic groups. Either in insulation or in combination, these groups ’ individualities may have some bearing on the political conduct and socioeconomic part in the society. Since utmost civil countries are heterogenous, it shouldn’t be surprising that their internal politics are defined and characterized by their pluralities, and these different individualities have remained important rudiments in their domestic politics.

Notwithstanding, federalism has had multiple significance for managing different societies. It’s an approach to governance that may be applicable to certain countries given their pluralism in terms of culture, religion, language and race. The hunt for concinnity in diversity in a civil state is generally achieved through the frame of rules as enunciated and enforced by the state. therefore, federalism could be conceived as a system of rules for the division of public policy liabilities among a number of independent governmental agencies. These rules define the compass of authority available to the independent agencies and give a frame to govern connections between and among agencies. In utmost civil countries, particularly in Africa, similar as Nigeria, Sudan, South Africa etc, the nature of the division of powers frequently times constitute the major manacle to the consummation of civil objects. More so, some civil countries outside the props of Africa similar as Venezuela, Malaysia and Austria are largely centralized while Switzerland and Canada are largely decentralized http//www.forumfed.org/en/federalism/president_article7.php. Each civil state is unique and it’s this peculiarity that underscores why civil countries bear else.

One of the major challenges of civil countries has been the combined sweats of the central( civil) government to turn the element units into its executive units. This is needed by the fact that civil governments are decreasingly getting involved with the distribution and operation of wealth, and these include, the operation of proceeds from the exploitation of natural coffers while the element units are more or less instrument of this distribution. As a result, the centrifugal and centripetal forces that shape the hunt for equilibrium between the constituent units and the civil government find its most lucid expression on the nature of balance between centralization and decentralization of the governments. In utmost coalitions of the world, particularly, Nigeria as well as South Africa, liabilities are divided among the governmental institutions like the council, superintendent and the bar; and among the colorful structures of the confederation like the civil, state

( fiefdom) and original governments. The nature and character of political structure of any confederation inescapably impact on the political system. This fear was stressed therefore by Ikejiani and Ikejiani,( 1986 vii) i when they argued that

It’s most important for us to advise that to try under the public political structure is presumably to fail. The major task is to reform our present political structures and institutions of government. The difficulties spring not from the rates of leadership but from the fact that we’re trying to break the problems of Nigerian concinnity with political structures and institutions that are absolutely unhappy. Nigeria, we dare say, will not, anyhow of who’s the head, or which political or military governance

is in power, recover from the general malaise, schism, insecurity and all the immoralities which have gulfed her until our political structures and institutions are changed. Until this is done, Nigeria will continue to have little confidence in their governments and will continue to live with programs that are hamstrung and ineffective in dealing with the problems, especially the problem of ‘ profit allocation and operation of natural coffers ’.

therefore, the task facing Nigeria, and indeed, other civil countries like South Africa is to reform the political structures and governmental institutions with a view to reducing the degree

of inequity in the system. The debate is on how federalism will be suitable to produce a feeling of

satisfaction and fairness among the element units, without heightening being conflict lines.

The perception of inequality, marginalization and intimidation of one similar group by another as it

enterprises the allocation of governmental coffers and operation of natural coffers is

generally measured on the base of group/ indigenous identity. As a result, the operation of natural

coffers is a contentious issue, particularly, in civil societies that are characterized by

pluralistic tendncies, fear of marginalization and domination among others.

thus, the politics of natural resource operation is a veritably contentious issue

because of the problem associated with different groups and their benefactions to the confederation

vis- à- vis the distribution of coffers. The contentious problems that every civil or plural state

has to contend with include the problem of what should be the institutional form of the

government? How can all sections of the country work in harmony and none feel barred or

dominated by the others?( Kew and Lewis,2010388-389). And most importantly, how can

profitable, political and fiscal coffers, etc be distributed or allocated to exclude any

perceived feeling of marginalization or domination of one section by the other? In fact, the bane

of every plural society is the public question, particularly as it concerns the distribution of

coffers, particularly, profit allocation between the categories of government and among the

element units. In this environment, it’s the state that’s the purveyor, enunciator and distributor of

these coffers, and hence the struggle to control the outfit of the state for the authoritative

allocation of these coffers adds energy to internal politics of civil countries.

This is necessary because of low development of the productive forces, which increases

the use of the state power as an instrument in the hands of the dominant class. The peculiarity of

the countries in Africa manifest not only in its relative autonomy, but more importantly in its part as

a means of product. This was aptly buttressed by Ake( 1985 3), when he asserted that the

unique point of the socio- profitable conformation inpost-colonial Africa, and indeed in

contemporary fringe conformations generally is that the state has veritably limited autonomy. The

degree of autonomy of the state is generally a consequence of the position of the development of the

productive forces. As a result of lack of autonomy of the countries in Africa, the state came an

instrument in the hands of the dominant class, particularly, the hegemonic dominant class. This

dominant class uses the state and its accoutrements for primitive accumulation of the coffers of

the people, particularly, through governmental programs that seek to cover their interest.

Accordingly, all programs, including those relating to the access, exploitation and operation

of natural coffers are formulated to suit the interest of the dominant class. As a result, the state

which is constituted to play a nonsupervisory and interceding part in the allocation and distribution of

power and coffers becomes an instrument in the hands of the dominant class, and indeed,

serves as a means of product. But this ought not to be so, particularly in a civil state

because of its essential bias by which civil rates of society are articulated and defended

Livingstone 1956).

This study thus attempts to determine how the practice of federalism impacted on

profit allocation and natural resource operation in Africa’s two most important countries

Nigeria, Africa’s most vibrant state, and South Africa, Africa’s flush and most advanced

state( Sodaro, 2001 810). Both Nigeria and South Africa partake a lot of parallels, yet, they are

radically different in numerous ways. Consequently, Kan- Onwordi( 200756) avers that in 1991, South

Africa contributed just 4 of Africa’s global import trade, but by 2007 it had come the

mainland’s largest frugality while Nigeria because of its huge population remains the mainland’s

biggest consumer nation. Politically, both Nigeria and South Africa aresub-regional powers in

West Africa and Southern African independently, and continentally, both are important countries.

Both have also endured different types of absolutism, illustrated in Nigeria by over thirty

times of military absolutism and in South Africa, by over thirty- three times of intolerance governance.

Notwithstanding these parallels, both Nigeria and South Africa are significantly

different from one another in numerous other ways. While Nigeria has a population of 140 million

according to 2006 estimates, South Africa has a population of 44 million. The difference also

manifested at the profitable position. While the GDP and Per Capita Income of South Africa are put

at S187.3 billion and S12, 200 independently, Nigeria’s GDP and Per Capita Income are put at

S77.33 billion and S1, 400 independently( Kan- Onwordi, 2007 57). still, according to 2009

estimate, the Per Capita Income in South Africa was S10, 000, while that of Nigeria is S2, 400.

http//www.photius.com/rankings/economy/gdp_per. It’s inversely important to observe that while

Nigeria is a mono- product frugality with husbandry and oil painting contributing over 70 of GDP with

services contributing a stingy 27, the South African frugality is grossly dependent on

services, which contributes nearly 70 to GDP while other sectors contribute the remainder.

The husbandry of the two countries are further defined by the fact that Nigeria’s frugality has a

huge informal sector; that of South Africa has a large formal sector.

Nigeria is endowed with vast and largely untapped natural coffers including similar

minerals as oil painting, limestone, drum, columbite, tableware, coal, gypsum, shale, baguette, zinc, iron- ore, and

natural gas to mention but a many( Anyanwu, 1997 3). Nigeria has long held a high eventuality

for developing into a indigenous and global superpower with its abundant mortal and natural

coffers. still, the Nigerian frugality is heavily dependent on crude petroleum import as

the main source of foreign exchange earnings and government profit. For decades, profit

from oil painting reckoned for over 90 percent of import earnings. The over dependence of the Nigerian

frugality on oil painting has had its own goods. For case, by 1980, the oil painting sector which reckoned for

percent of GDP handed 80 percent of government profit and over 96 percent of import

earnings( Anyanwu, 1997 5). Indeed with the oil painting smash of the 1970s, the government could not

duly harness the enormous profit into productive use. As a result, starting from the medial

, when the world oil painting request began to collapse due substantially to oil painting glut, the Nigerian frugality

witnessed a veritably serious extremity. This extremity redounded in the relinquishment of the Structural Adjustment

Programme( SAP) in 1986. Indeed more important is that the time 2008 witnessed yet another

smash in the oil painting sector as the world oil painting request endured the loftiest ever increases in the prices

of crude oil painting. In all these, the centrality of the part of the state is noway in mistrustfulness.

On the other hand, South Africa is abundantly endowed with gold, coal, platinum and

diamond etc. She has the strongest frugality in Africa. As a result of the lifting of warrants and

the good will generated by the transition from intolerance tonon-racial republic in 1994, the

South African frugality turned around and grew by an normal of 3 percent in 1994 and 1995

with a Per Capita GNP in the 1990s of about S3, 500. important of South Africa’s structure and

profitable development were erected on mining, especially gold and diamond( Sodaro, 2001 840).

Meanwhile, it’s important to state that revenues from mining alone are inadequate to carry

South Africa in the twenty-first century, which needed a reform docket by the government

that brought about diversification of the frugality.

It’s in fact these parallels and differences as noted above that needed a

relative study of federalism and the operation of natural coffers in both countries with

a view to catching on how the two countries employ the proceeds from natural resource exploitation

to impact on the standard of living of its citizens defined within the environment of provision of introductory

social amenities. The study situates the converse within the environment of the centrality of the state

in understanding how civil countries manage their natural coffers.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

There’s a plethoral of literature on the nature, structure and dynamics of federalism.

Particularly of note in this regard are the workshop of Dietze( 1960), Wheare( 1964), Awa( 1976),

Amuwo et al( 1998), Agbese( 2003) and Elaigwu( 2007) among others. Notwithstanding these

avalanche of scholarly workshop in this regard, the conception appears to be shrouded in contestation.

Basically, federalism is a device by which plural societies can best be governed, yet, the

contestation that it generates as a result of its nature, structure and dynamics are more imagined.

Civil countries are formed either by a process of isolation of a unit into element units, or

through integration of colorful independent units into one civil polity.

One of the principles of federalism is that profitable coffers in colorful element units

should be used in such a way that the entire political system benefits equitably from the

husbandry of scale( Awa, 1976 12). And since federalism is the system of dividing power so

that the central and the element units are both match and independent; the manner of this

division and the structure of a civil state has veritably serious counteraccusations on allocation of the

benefits from the husbandry of scale. Consequently, Bryce( 19971) contended that the problem

defying civil countries is how to secure an effective central government and save public

concinnity, allowing independence of the colorful element units.

nonetheless, Hanson and Perloff( 1965) argue for centralization of financial liabilities,

suggesting that unless the state financial systems are centrally planned, the hunt for profitable

development would be undermined. On the other hand, Bauer( 1961) and Scot( 1965) argue for

decentralization of financial liabilities believing that it would accelerate the pace of profitable

development further than is anticipated. Also there’s the problem of perpendicular financial imbalance

among the three categories of government, which is due to minimum profit- raising capacities of the

sub-national units ’ vis- à- vis their expenditure responsibility. For Ibeanu( 200553), the issue of

rehearsing unbalance federalism has led ethnical nonages to organize stiff opposition against the

militarist state and petrobusiness.

Generally, scholars like Mbanefoh and Egwaikhide( 2003 213), Enyi( 2005295) among

others believe that the indifferent allocation of coffers between the central government and that

of the colorful categories of government, together with the allocations among the colorful element

units is the hallmark of every civil state. The gap that appears to crop from the below is the

profit generation capacity of the different categories of government. This still was aptly

articulated by Elaigwu( 20075) when he editorialized that financial federalism deals with the generation

and distribution of scarce but allocatable coffers, as coalitions essay to produce equivalency

among its citizens and element units.

inferring from the below is that there’s a substantial quantum of scholarly work done on

the nature, structure and dynamics of federalism in Nigeria and South Africa, yet, surprinsingly,

veritably little sweats have been directed at the impact of structures of federalism on profit

allocation, particularly, to the element units. But more importantly, no serious trouble has been

made by scholars to empirically demonstrate with quantifiable substantiation the nexus between

unstable civil structure and inequitable profit allocations.

On issues relating to natural resource operation in civil countries in Africa,

contemporary literature like the workshop of Roberts and Oladeji( 2005), Etekpe( 2007), Ikein

( 2010) among others, are replete with plethora of substantiation that countries with cornucopia of

natural coffers, particularly,non-renewable coffers like oil painting, gold, diamond, platinum, etc,

have had low profitable growth and are unable of furnishing introductory social amenities to its

citizens in comparison with countries without the cornucopia of these coffers. Among other

countries with cornucopia of natural coffers are Nigeria, Sudan, Zimbabwe etc, and they tend

to have further internal conflicts, warrant acceptable duty medium, are affected by dutch complaint, that

is, an profitable miracle in which the profit from natural resource import damage a

nation’s productive profitable sector by causing an increase of the real exchange rate and pay envelope

increase, engage in inordinate borrowing, with profit volatility, warrant the capacity of

diversification among other undermining variables http//en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Resource_curse.

As a result, these coffers, rather of being a blessing have come a curse. Scholars like Obi

1998), Bannon and Collier( 2003), Omoweh( 2005), have also contended that the reasons for

this incongruity of plenitude aren’t unconnected to corruption of the leaders, government mismanagement

of coffers, volatility of profit from the natural resource sector due to exposure to global

commodity request swing and a decline in the competitiveness of other profitable sectors,

http//en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Resource_curse. also, the World Bank has argued as it did

during SAP in 1986, that good governance defined in the environment of sound profitable programs

will give resource-rich countries the road to growth and development

http//en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Resource_curse.

Notwithstanding the below proposition, it should be anticipated that if a unitary state

becomes a victim of natural resource mismanagement because of itsover-centralization of power

and authority, a civil state is more suitable to turning its natural coffers to blessing because

of essential bias by which civil rates of society are articulated and defended

Livingston 1956).

Basically, profit from oil painting and gas come from royalties, licence freights, gains from state

oil painting companies, and import levies, etc. Royalties and licence freights are associated with power of

the resource and are generally the major source of profit from oil painting and gas

http// webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cachebIsm5u6ubIE ). In utmost coalitions of

the world, particularly, USA, Canada and Australia, onshore resource power is typically

with the element countries, but in Nigeria, it’s possessed and controlled by the civil government,

while in South Africa, the civil government guarantees access to private power of natural

coffers. Again, every government requires finances to embark on experimental programmes. In

all countries of the world, whether there’s the cornucopia of natural coffers or not,

development is generally formed by the position of fiscal coffers available in similar country.

Nigeria and South Africa don’t only calculate on levies to induce its profit; they reckoned heavily on

proceeds from natural coffers, which give substantial profit to the government of the two

countries.

Scholars are amicable that profit from natural coffers is the dependence of Nigeria

but not South African frugality. Particularly of note are the workshop of Obi( 1998 261),

Adegbulugbe and Akinbami( 2006 190), and Anyanwu( 2007 176) among others who contend

that over 80 of all civil profit and 90 of all foreign exchange earnings come from oil painting. On

the other hand, South African frugality is grossly dependent on services, which contributes

nearly 70 to GDP while other sectors contribute about 30. The husbandry of the two

countries are further defined by the fact that Nigeria’s frugality has a huge informal sector; that

of South Africa has a large formal sector.

Notwithstanding these scholarly benefactions, there’s little emphasis on quantification

and methodical analysis of being divergences in profit allocation and natural resource

operation in both Nigeria and South Africa. In fact, no serious trouble has been directed on the

impact of the proceeds from natural coffers on the provision of introductory social amenities in both

Nigeria and South Africa. Again, scholars haven’t adequately established the counteraccusations of

the part of the state in resource access and operation vis- à- vis conflicts.

It’s thus consequent upon these apparent poverties that we pose the following

exploration questions

1. How does the structure of federalism impact on the pattern of profit allocation

among the constituent units in Nigeria and South Africa?

2. Do the proceeds from natural resource exploitation in Nigeria and South Africa

adequately enhance on the provision of introductory social amenities?

3. Does the part of the state in Nigeria engender conflict in resource access and

operation in contradistinction to the part of the state in South Africa?

objects OF THE STUDY

The broad ideal of this study was to comparatively determine how the practice of

federalism impact on profit allocation and natural resource operation in Africa’s two most

important civil countries, Nigeria and South Africa. still, our specific objects are as

follows

1. to determine how the structure of federalism impact on the pattern of profit

allocation among the constituent units in Nigeria and South Africa;

2. to ascertain whether the proceeds from natural resource exploitation in Nigeria and

South Africa adequately enhance the provision of introductory social amenities;

3. to explore whether the part of the state in Nigeria engender conflict in resource

access and operation in contradistinction to the part of the state in South Africa.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

It’s contended that countries with cornucopia of natural coffers are characterized by

low profitable growth, warrant the capacity to diversify its frugality and are prone to internal

conflicts, hence, the resource curse thesis. Yet, the two most important countries in Africa,

Nigeria and South Africa, with cornucopia of natural coffers show varied indicators of the

consequences of this cornucopia. It’s thus on this premise that this study becomes veritably

significant both for its theoretical applicability and practical mileage.

At the theoretical position, the study has increased the general storage of knowledge. In

particular, it has discovered the impediments that have constituted a clog in the wheel of progress

in Nigeria’s struggle for indifferent resource operation formulae. More so, it has contributed

immensely to a better understanding of why the cornucopia of natural coffers in South Africa

has not led to the type of mayhem being endured in Nigeria. In fact, the major theoretical

significance of this study is its donation in filling the academic gap that was linked in the

being body of knowledge. Above all, this study also serves as a reference material for unborn

experimenters who may be interested in extending the borders of mortal knowledge as it concerns

the operation of natural coffers.

The practical significance of this study can not beover-emphasized as it serves as a

reference material to help break the predicaments that cornucopia of natural coffers has

brought to Nigeria, and help South Africa to consolidate and ameliorate on its present conflict-free

operation of its natural coffers. Specifically, the study serves as a companion to politicians,

directors and policy makers towards discovering the undermining variables in resource

access, exploitation and operation with a view to formulating programs that can resolve

permanently the problems associated with natural resource operation.

THEORETICAL frame

colorful propositions would have captured the substance of this study, particularly, a

relative model of analysis like the systems proposition, structural-functional proposition, etc, but we

considered the introductory propositions expiring from the Marxian Political Economy Approach to

be more apt than a relative model. This is basically because the Marxian Political

Economy Approach focuses on the reciprocity of politics and frugality, deduced ofcourse from

the supremacy of material conditions. Since the study is on issues relating to resource( profit)

allocation by the state, and the operation of natural coffers; the nexus between the state and

its part of authoritatively allocating values can best be captured by the Marxian Political

Economy Approach. Again, though a relative model would adequately compare both

Nigeria and South Africa within the environment of the study, but, the difference in the geste of

the two countries may not be better captured using the relative model. The differences in the

two countries, is a function of profitable condition, which reproduced itself at the political realm.

thus, the centrality of the part of the state in the allocation and operation of natural

coffers can best be captured using the Marxian Political Economy Approach, hence, its

relinquishment in this study.

thus, inferring from our literature review and the thrust of the study, we anchor our

disquisition on the introductory propositions of the Marxist Political Economy approach which are

applicable to the Nigerian and South African social conformations. Consequently, four essential

rudiments characterize the Marxist Political Economy approach as follows

1. The first element is the materialist approach to history; that is, the development of the

productive forces, which is central to literal change.

2. The dialectical approach to knowledge and society that defines the nature of reality as

dynamic and conflictual.

3. The third is a general view of commercial development; that is, the commercial mode of

product and its fortune are governed by a set of profitable laws of stir of

ultramodern society.

4. The fourth is a normative commitment to illiberalism; that is, all Marxists believe that a

socialist society is both the necessary and desirable end of literal development.

Out of the four rudiments, we borrow the first two propositions of Marxist Political Frugality

approach in the disquisition of this study. These are

1. The materialist approach to history or what Ake( 1981 1) called the supremacy of

material condition.

2. The dialectical approach to knowledge and society that defines the nature of reality as

dynamic and conflictual; or again, what Ake( 1981 3) refers to as the dynamic

character of reality.

First, political frugality is a system which gives supremacy to material conditions,

particularly profitable factors in the explanation and understanding of socio- profitable and

political realities. For illustration, profitable condition is the utmost determining factor why the

European colonialists came to Africa; it also determines why they established the types of

political systems that they did in Africa, etc. The profitable condition is inversely important in

understanding why the nationalist struggle surfaced and the type of political system that was

espoused at independence, etc. In fact, in every society, those who are economically privileged

tend to reproduce themselves as the politically dominant groups, and are always interested in

maintaining the being social order. To be sure, an understanding of the profitable condition is

apre-condition for understanding how a particular state emerges, transforms and behaves.

In this environment, we can align ourselves with Engels as quoted in Lenin( 1976) that the

state is a product of society at a certain stage of development;

it is the admission that society has come entangled in an undoable

contradiction with itself that it has resolve into irreconcilable contraries

which it’s helpless to supplicate down. But in order that these

contraries, classes with disagreeing profitable interests, might

not consume themselves and society in fruitless struggle, it

came necessary to have a power putatively standing over

society that would moderate the conflict and keep it within the

bounds of ‘ order ’; and this power, arisen out of society but placing

itself above it, and alienating itself more and more from it, is the state.

The state that alienates itself from the contending social classes in any society does so on

the base of high position of penetration of commodity relations, that is, the pervasive

commoditization of product relations. Consequently, Ake( 1985 1) argues that such a state

represents a specific modality of class domination, one in which class domination is intermediated by

commodity exchange so that the system of institutional medium of domination is

discerned and separated from the ruling class and indeed the society and appears as an

objective force standing alongside society. Accordingly, the state appears to be an objective

force, a neutral arbiter and an unprejudiced middleman in the society. still, behind this putatively

impartiality of the state in interceding and moderating societal conflicts is a strong consonance

between the interest of the state and that of capital( frugality). This position was aptly

banded by Miliband( 1977), when he opines “ that a state, still independent it may have

been politically from any given class, remains, and can not in a class society but remain, the

protection of an economically and socially dominant class ”. With the emergence of classes in

mortal society came struggle for survival in the social relations of product; and in this

struggle the state has remained the controller, the enunciator and the propagator of all laws that

regulate the ineluctable conflict in the social relations of product. In fact, right from the

emergence of state in mortal history, its part has remained central in social product. For

case, the state determines whether access should be granted to private or public power of

land and natural coffers; it determines how the exploitation of natural coffers are to be

carried out; and how the distribution of profit from the exploitation of natural coffers are to

be done to produce a sense of equity and justice or else. To be sure, the centrality of the part

of the state has noway been in mistrustfulness in social relation and association of product.

Meanwhile, the degree of autonomy of the state is consequent upon the position of

penetration of commodity relations, which is dependent on the development of productive forces,

which again, expresses the overall productive capacities of a society. The following constitutes

the introductory rudiments of a state that’s independent from the contending classes

1. The state ceases to be a means of product.

2. The state is alienated from active participation in politics.

3. The state becomes a minimum state and is thus, retrenched from active

participation.

4. As a result of the below, the state becomes a state of no particular class but of all the

classes.

5. thus, the colorful accoutrements of the state aren’t employed for primodial and, or

primitive accumulation, and

. Eventually, the increased position of commoditization enables private enterprise to be

enhanced, which reduces primodialism defined in the environment of the use of state

power for particular aggrandizement.

inferring from the below, it’s material that the profitable condition doesn’t only enable

us to understand the political part of the state, but also its profitable part of authoritative

allocation of values. therefore, as Ake( 1981 11) noted, the state of development of productive

forces decisively impact social association, culture, the position of weal, and indeed

knowledge. Accordingly, we can infer that the political and social- organizational styles that

were espoused by African countries after independence was largely dependent on the state of

development of the productive forces; and its success or failure was also a product of the position of

development of the productive forces.

Meanwhile, a particular relation of product comes into being because the productive

forces are at a particular stage of development. For, case, under feudalism, productive forces

were in a veritably rudimentary stage of development and land was the major means of product.

still, notwithstanding the development of technology and industrialization in Africa,

particularly in Nigeria, land has remained veritably important as a means of product. The social

relation of product between the government and the citizens, particularly in the areas where

the bulk of government profit is generated revolves around land and the talent therein.

But in societies that have transcended the feudal mode of product, the changes in productive

forces have given rise to new relations of product, particularly, that between the plutocrats

and workers. This new relations enhances the pervasive commoditization of product. As a

result, the increased penetration of commodity relations results to increased autonomy of the

state. In short, as the development of productive forces increase, it increases the part of the state

as a controller or middleman. That’s to say, the state simply sets the rules that guide the geste of

government and citizens,etc.

It’s imperative to state that African frugality was at a feudal stage, particularly the

Nigerian and South African frugality before the disturbance and deformation of its profitable base

by the colonialists. This disturbance and deformation stagnated the development of the productive

forces with all the attendant consequences. As a result, the transition from feudal mode of

product to capitalism was palmed on the social countries, which to a certain degree halted the

development of the productive forces. Now the low degree of the development of the productive

forces affects the position of pervasiveness of product relations, which in turn determines the

degree of autonomy of the state. therefore, this degree of the autonomy of the state affects the

character of the part of the state in social relations. That is, whether the part of the state becomes

interventionist or nonsupervisory is dependent on the degree of the autonomy of the state, which is a

product of the position of development of the productive force.

Alternate, the other proposition of Marxist Political Economy approach is the dialectical

approach to knowledge and society that defines the nature of reality as dynamic and conflictual.

That is, it contends that social disequilibria and consequent change are due to the class struggle

and the working out of contradictions essential in social and political marvels. Consequently,

Marxists believe that there’s no essential social harmony or return to equilibrium. This is farther

buttressed by stating that every thesis automatically produces an antipode, which is synthesized

to produce yet another thesis, and this process continues announcement infinitum. This expresses that the

faith of all created effects are unstable, always getting and noway being. It’s this dynamic

character of reality, this movement of contraries that leads to ineluctable change in any political

system.

In the operation of this approach to the study, we shall be guided by the introductory

propositions that are applicable in understanding the content under disquisition. Basically, we

stated that the position of development of the productive force decisively influences every other

thing. In other words, material condition is veritably essential in understanding the movement of

society. In both Nigeria and South Africa, it’s the profitable interest of European powers that led

to social subjection and the type of political system that was espoused. For case, it was

because of the profitable conditions of the social period that led to the admixture of the

Southern and Northern possessions, basically to buffer the executive cost of governing

Northern Nigeria. It was also to cover the profitable interest of the imperialists that was

responsible for handing over power to the North at independence. Indeed in South Africa, it was

the material condition current at that time that made the British government to hand over

power to the white nonage. It was also the profitable condition that was intertwined in the

relinquishment of intolerance policy in South Africa.

Accordingly, the profitable condition was one of the reasons that led to the relinquishment of

civil systems of government in both Nigeria and South Africa. Now, because the position of the

development of the productive forces was still at a rudimentary stage, the pervasiveness of

commodity relations was inversely at a low position. This tendentially implies that the state has low

degree of autonomy. As a result, the state participates in politics, rather of moderating and

regulating politics. The manner of state’s participation in politics expresses the manner of

intervention, basically to cover its profitable interest. therefore, the nature of civil structures in

both Nigeria and South Africa, starting from its commencement to date is a product of the position of the

development of the productive forces. This is intertwined in the pattern of profit allocation

principles and formulae that have been espoused over the times.

inferring from the below, it’s inversely the material condition that determines the struggle

over resource access, exploitation and operation, but particularly, the proceeds from its

exploitation, and how it’s employed to give the introductory musts of life. Consequently, the part

of the state in every social conformation, which is to maintain social order and cater for the requirements of

the citizens, becomes imperative. How the state performs this part depends on the position of the

development of the productive forces. In Nigeria, the part of the state appears to be

interventionist because the position of commodity relations is veritably low with a corresponding

rudimentary development of the productive forces; but, in South Africa, the degree of

commoditization of product is pervasive, which enhances the part of the state as a controller or

middleman of societal conflicts and interests.

Meanwhile, the dynamic character of reality which expresses the conflictual nature of

reality explains the struggles between social forces in every society that leads to important of the

ineluctable change in every political system. The relinquishment of any political structure or profit

allocation principles and formulae automatically creates an antipode to it. The struggle for

resource control, for illustration is contrary to the government’s part of controlling similar

coffers on behalf of the people. thus, in every social conformation, whatever there’s has its

contraries, and it’s the conflict between these contraries that lead to change, and therefore, explains

the dynamic and conflictual character of reality.

suppositions

Deriving from the exploration questions posed in this study, we proffer the following

suppositions

1. The structure of Nigerian federalism negates equitability in the pattern of profit allocation

among the constituent units, while that of South Africa enhances equitability in the pattern of

profit allocation among the constituent units.

2. The proceeds from natural resource exploitation in Nigeria and South Africa do not

adequately enhance the provision of introductory social amenities.

3. The part of the state in Nigeria engenders conflict in resource access and operation in

contradistinction to the part of the state in South Africa.

system OF DATA COLLECTION

This refers to the styles employed to induce the necessary substantiation or evidence( data) to

test the suppositions and answer the questions posed in the statement of problem. According to

Cohen and Manion( 1980 26), styles are ways and approach employed to induce data

which are used as criteria for conclusion, interpretation, explanation and vaticination. This study is

basically qualitative and thus didn’t bear the use of questionnaires or interviews.

Accordingly, the system of data collection used in this study is the attestation system and

the partner post facto exploration design. This involves the use of secondary sources of data collection

which included books, journals, magazines, government functionary documents, conference papers,

internet accoutrements , etc. We employed the use of data from the profit rallying Allocation

and Fiscal Commission( RMAFC), the National Bureau of Statistics( NBS), Office of the

Accountant- General of the Nigerian confederation( OAGF), the World Bank Development

pointers, African Development pointers, World Bank Human Development Index, Nigerian

Institute of International Affairs( NIIA), The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the South African

High Commission among others.

system OF DATA ANALYSIS

In an attempt to probe our suppositions, we employed the use of qualitative deducible

and, or, inductive logical system of analysis. This involved a logically harmonious argument that

either moved from general to specific or in rear order. More so, we espoused content analysis

as part of our system of data analysis. This involved reading meaning into available documents

with a view to interpreting our data in such a way that it gave new perceptivity to the understanding

of the connections between our independent and dependent variables, and enhanced a better

understanding of the thrust of the study. still, in order to explain the retired relationship

between our explicandum and other marvels, we also employed the Ex Post Facto Design as

a companion.