Public Perception Of The Role Of Newspaper In Reporting Of Abacha’s Recovered Looted Funds

Public Perception Of The Role Of Newspaper In Reporting Of Abacha’s Recovered Looted Funds

Chapiter 1

Introduction

1.1 Background of the study

A comprehensive anti-corruption effort in Nigeria was promoted by President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007), and it was launched in 1999. This project was started in reaction to evidence of widespread public resource theft by Nigerian officials, particularly under General Sani Abacha’s rule (1993–1998), and Nigeria’s categorization as the world’s most corrupt country according to an article in All Africa (2009). Among Obasanjo’s actions were reforms to the public sector, the creation of new anti-corruption organizations, and, most significantly, a drive to track down and recover assets earned by corruption that were stashed abroad. This campaign began in June 1998 during the military government of Abdusalami Abubakar (June 1998–May 1999), but it picked up speed after Obasanjo’s election. The Nigerian initiative brought about certain modifications, such as increased global awareness of the issue and various crucial international measures intended to stop corrupt politicians from concealing their illicit wealth through the global financial system.

Despite these advancements, Nigeria has not yet made significant, verifiable progress, according to Alli (2011). For one thing, the theft and global money laundering of public funds continued. Second, the majority of the estimated $170 billion USD in stolen public funds from Nigeria have not been returned. Only 2 billion dollars had been returned by the time Obasanjo left office on May 29, 2007, including the 825 million dollars that General Abubakar had previously recovered.

Understanding the scenario completely is necessary to comprehend Nigeria’s attempt to retrieve its assets. The concept of public service as a legitimate and essential source of wealth accumulation and redistribution, sometimes known as neo-patrimonialism (Enweremadu forthcoming), is a long-standing practice in Nigeria. Since the 1950s, when Nigerian elites began to take the place of British colonial authorities, corruption, notably the misuse of public funds, has been pervasive in the country (Falola 1998). These patterns were further institutionalized by the massive influx of oil revenues and unaccountable military dictatorships (Apter 2005; Smith 2007).

Despite the fact that corruption has existed for a very long time, Nigerians have consistently engaged in what Larry Diamond (1991) referred to as “a constant war against corruption,” which has been fueled by deteriorating socioeconomic conditions, unrelenting public criticism, and the desire for legitimacy among succeeding regimes. In the 1970s and 1980s, an unexpected oil boom was followed by an increase in the transfer of public funds to foreign accounts, and anti-corruption rhetoric became more and more obvious. Because of how terrible the problem was, successive constitutions (Federal Republic of Nigeria 1979, 1989) included sections prohibiting all public personnel from holding accounts in foreign countries. In the absence of genuine political intent and a thriving civil society, these pieces of legislation were largely rarely carried out by a predatory political class who continued to view public office – and, by extension, corruption – as an important source of rent (Joseph 1987; Graf 1988). However, by 1998, a series of domestic and global events had virtually forced the issue of Nigerian corruption and hidden stolen funds into the open. Internally, the issue became urgent due to the negative effects of General Sani Abacha’s sudden death.5 General Abubakar, who took over as Abacha’s commander following his death, commissioned an investigation into the accusations of corruption made against him. Through these investigations, it was discovered that Abacha and a select number of cronies had moved billions of dollars in state funds between numerous domestic and foreign accounts and properties.

Many Nigerians and international observers believed that the scale of Abacha’s illicit funds justified making it the major target of any effort to recover stolen assets. On the other hand, a more critical reading of Nigeria’s political past can cast doubt on this reductionist strategy. It is vital to take into account the “legitimizing consequences” such activities afforded a new and unstable administration, even though the scope and impunity with which his administration misappropriated public funds contributed to the Abacha crisis.The “Abacha issue” was affected by shifts in global perceptions of corruption.

For a very long time, dishonest rulers in developing nations viewed Western banks as “safe havens” where they could keep their wealth (Vlasic and Cooper 2011). Western institutions were renowned for financial secrecy and the protection of their home governments, in contrast to their own domestic institutions, which were open to inquiry after their governments were overthrown. This was particularly true for African presidents who were evading the simultaneous threat of currency depreciation and frequent coups (Sindzingre 1997). Many people in the international community perceived African leaders’ wrongdoing as domestic issues for sovereign states as they diverted their countries’ wealth overseas.

1.2 Statement of the problem:

News about Abacha’s recovered looted funds is widely available on the internet and other news outlets, but newspapers—the conventional form of reporting—have mostly avoided covering this topic. Perhaps newspapers are avoiding covering such a topic out of concern for what might happen. The government may still impose restrictions on press freedom when it comes to covering specific topics. The goal of this study is to change how the public views the role of the media in covering Abacha’s recovered looted assets.

1.3 The Study’s Objective

The major goal of this study is to ascertain how the public views the role of the press in reporting on Abacha’s recovered looted assets. Consequently, the goals of this research are;

1. To find out what the general population thinks about Abacha’s recovered stolen money.

2. To establish the function that print media, including as newspapers, play in spreading knowledge regarding Abacha’s stolen money.

3. To ascertain whether the public considers knowledge about Abacha’s recovered looted funds to be important.

1.4 Questions For Research

The following queries serve as the study’s compass;

1. What are the public’s perceptions of Abacha’s recovered stolen money?

2. What part does the print media (newspapers) play in spreading the word about Abacha’s stolen money?

3. Does the public care about the recovered looted money from Abacha?

1.5 Relationship To Other Studies

The media will find this study important since it will show how the general public views the necessity for print media, namely newspapers, to broadcast information about Abacha’s recovered looted funds. It will also be a contribution to academia because it will open up space for more academics to widen the scope of this investigation and examine how other media outlets handled Abacha’s recovered looted assets.

1.6 Analysis Of The Study

Only the role of newspaper reporting on Abacha’s recovered looted funds will be explored in this study. The significance of this information to the general public will be examined, as well as how newspapers cover the topic.

1.7 Limitations of the study:

The only constraint on the researcher was the amount of funding and scholarly resources available.

1.8 Terminal Definitions

1. NEWSPAPER: a printed publication made up of folded, unstapled sheets that is typically published daily or weekly and contains news, articles, advertising, and correspondence.

2. PUBLIC PERCEPTION: An idea or judgment that is widely held and is based on how something appears to the general public