Terrorism And Nigeria’s External Image Under Goodluck Jonathan’s Administration
Chapiter 1
Introduction
1.1 Study’s historical context
The administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan is currently underperforming, according to Adebajo (2014), and appraisal of its performance reveals in a number of different sectors. This is terrible for a government that was supported by the public when it first took office and later experienced a decline in public support (Adebajo, 2014). In a similar vein, Chinwokwu (2013) argued that Nigeria has undoubtedly had internal security issues, such as terrorism, which significantly impacted its foreign policy under the previous administration. The impact of home issues on a country’s foreign policy cannot be overstated, according to Adebajo’s comments in 2014, which Alabi had already brought to light in 2012. This is because internal characteristics can gradually transform into global concerns. Once more, Chinwokwu expressed the opinion that terrorism undoubtedly damaged Nigeria’s reputation there by diminishing its influence on the international stage (Chinwokwu, 2013).
To back up Chinwokwu’s assertion, Tsokwa asserted in 2012 that the rise of Islamic extremism in Northern Nigeria had significantly weakened Nigeria’s ability to project itself abroad. International relations have deteriorated as a result of Boko Haram activities in Nigeria, which have sparked harsh responses from businesses and littered international positions (Tsokwa, 2012). Additionally, according to Madu (2014), terrorist attacks in Nigeria carried out by Boko Haram and others sparked a great deal of interest from the international community and raised concerns about the best strategy for how the presidency could deal with the problem. This approach assumes that the audacity persisted no tireless effort among the trouble group as this allowed daily victims and expanded at an alarming rate after each attack to most people, making them lose confidence. Madu went on to say that the attacks on the United Nations building in Abuja in 2011 caused unnecessary stress on the international community and Nigeria’s desire to put an end to the insurgency that started as an issue (domestic violence), which appeared more frequently under the Goodluck Jonathan administration. The aforementioned is important due to the internationalization of the fight. Boko Haram was formed in 2009 and is affiliated with the global terrorist organization Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).
To add further clarity, Alabi (2012) stated that terrorism is a global problem rather than just a Nigerian problem. Additionally, it is not just an Islamic crisis. All religions have their share of extremists. The key finding of the study is that the unique experiences of Arab-Muslim communities and the way that faith has traditionally been used as a weapon of political conflict might likewise be used to describe the rising prominence of Islamist terrorism. The ability of terrorist organizations to mobilize the community and implement their projects across nations and communities was made possible by globalization and the applied sciences associated to the expanding internationalization (Alabi, 2012). Strangely enough, Tomis (2011) argued that no one has ever come out and identified themselves as a terrorist. The term “terrorism” may even be misused (Tomis, 2011). Accordingly, Bamgbose (2013) made clear that one major obstacle to thoroughly understanding terrorism is that opinions vary based on how a nation feels about a certain issue. For instance, the imprisoned Nelson Mandela and his companions were dismissed as “terrorists” by both Ronald Reagan in America and Margaret Thatcher, the British prime minister. However, to those who owned them and to the majority of Africans, they were “freedom combatants”; heroes of a long-ago struggle for independence against Apartheid and racial denigration (Bamgbose, 2013).
Furthermore, the African Union (AU) conference on prevention and combating terrorism (A.U.C.P.C., 2012) defines terrorism as “any act which is a violation of criminal law and which can endanger the existence, bodily integrity or freedom of, or justify critical injury or loss of life, factors may rationalize harm to public or exclusive property, natural resources, environmental or cultural heritage, and is calculated or intended to: intimidate, put in fear, coerce or induce governm
However, Madu (2014) stated that the Nigerian state is set up as a zone of protection for the populace in an era of terror in the face of terrorism. The government, the president, and the security services openly denounce terrorist attacks as unlawful acts committed by non-state actors. As a result, in 2002, the Act (Establishment) Economic and Financial Crimes Commission was established by the Nigerian government, National Assembly (NASS), to criminalize terrorism (Madu, 2014). On the other hand, the vagueness of the anti-terrorism provisions prompted the investigation of a more thorough legislative framework, which in turn led to the Senate’s presentation of the Terrorism Prevention Bill in 2006 (Oghogho, 2011). After being passed by the Senate and the House on June 1 and 2, 2011, respectively, the 2011 Terrorism Prevention Act was forwarded to President Goodluck Jonathan for signature five years later.
Since 2009, when internal terrorism in Nigeria transitioned from ethnic militancy to suicide bombing, a situation that has claimed over 3,000 lives, a state of emergency was declared in five northern states, and the Defense Minister, Police Chief, and National Security Adviser were all fired as a result. However, Olalekan (2012) argued that the severity of the insurgency in Nigeria, especially during the Goodluck Jonathan regime, is not new. Nigeria was in second place, behind only the failed state of Somalia, in the United States Department’s Global Report on Terrorism for 2011, with 593 terrorist deaths on the African continent. Nigeria ranked fifth globally in terms of casualties (Country Report on Terrorism, 2010).
Nigeria is no stranger to terrorism, having dealt with the murderous operations of the extremist sect Maitatsine movement under the first democratically elected civilian administration of Alhaji Shehu Shagari in the early 1980s. A quasi-Muslim fringe group known as Yan Tatsine (Maitatsine’s followers) genuinely espoused Islamic concepts at odds with those of the Islamic authorities and mainstream society. The sect’s leader, Muhammadu Marwa Maitatsine, was a Muslim scholar from the northern Cameroonian city of Marwa who immigrated to Kano in Nigeria (Danjibo, 2000). The philosophy of the Maitatsine sect was appealing to young people who were suffering from poverty and looking for a way to challenge the conventional Islamic state and dominating conservative regimes. Conflicts with the police have occurred in Kano as a result of the Federal Government giving the police force instructions to suppress the movement, which had a sizable following of unemployed young people. The cult marched through Kano city screaming “Yau zamu sha jinni,” which translates to “today we shall drink blood” in Hausa. They were energized by the police’s apparent “defeat.”
No terrorist organization has ever been founded in a vacuum, according to Bamgbose (2013); political dynamics, contextual, social, economic, temporal, spatial, and even theological factors all need to be taken into consideration. This made it easier for domestic terrorism in Nigeria to recruit supporters and plan acts of political violence because so much focus was placed on identifying the diverse environmental conditions and complaints of local residents. According to Alabi (2012), Nigeria’s government has struggled to resolve these grievances and sources of tension throughout the nation. However, there is a general perception, particularly among Nigerians in the north, that the government is still able to meet the basic needs of those who hope for a better future. The efficacy of the government is undermined by the unequal allocation of resources and generally acknowledged levels of elite corruption, according to Tomis (2011), despite the fact that resources are undoubtedly limited. The government’s ability to influence local community members’ behavior in a positive manner and away from the appeal of radical extremist ideologies like Boko Haram is further undermined by the perception that government officials—including those who enforce the law—cannot be trusted (Tomis, 2011).
On the other hand, according to Oghogho (2011), Boko Haram—a radical Islamic group whose name means “Western education is forbidden” in Hausa—has launched an attack against Nigeria, a crucial U.S. strategic ally. As implied by its name, the group is vehemently opposed to what it perceives as a Western-based incursion that threatens traditional values, beliefs, and customs among Muslim communities in northern Nigeria (Oghogh, 2011). The group calls itself officially “Jama’atul Alhul Sunnah Lidda’wati wal Jihad,” which means “people committed to the propagation of the Prophet’s teachings and jihad.” The group is largely a product of widespread socioeconomic and religious insecurities, and its ideology resonates among certain communities due to both historical narratives and modern grievances (Members of Boko Haram are drawn primarily from the Kanuri tribe, which makes up about 4% of the population; Abubakar Shekau, the group’s spokesman, even accused the U.S. of waging war on Islam in an audiotape posted on the Internet in January 2012). According to Balogun (2014), the gang has assaulted police stations and patrols since 2009, as well as politicians (including village heads and members of parliament), religious figures (both Christian and Muslim), and people they believe to be partaking in un-Islamic behaviors, such as drinking beer. As the first militant organization in Nigeria to adopt the use of suicide bombers, Boko Haram has also committed a number of strikes with high mortality counts (Balogun, 2014).
Since these movements are always directed at executive and non-combatant populations with the deliberate goal of sowing fear, anxiety, and terrorism, the study defines terrorism to include all forms of violent action by clandestine and semi-clandestine actors aimed at achieving criminal, military, religious, political, or other objectives.
1.2 An explanation of the issue
However, Boko Haram allegedly expanded its terrorist attacks in Nigeria to encompass foreign targets, such as the United Nations (UN) facility in Abuja in August 2011. This was according to Muyiwa (2013). The group also made substantial strides in its operational capacity, and there are signs that some of its members have received weaponry and instruction from al-Qaeda affiliates in the north and/or east of the continent in building bombs and other terrorist methods (Muyiwa, 2013). Nigeria was in second place, behind only the failed state of Somalia, in the United States Department’s Global Report on Terrorism for 2011, with 593 terrorist deaths on the African continent. Nigeria ranked fifth globally in terms of casualties (Country Report on Terrorism, 2010). In Nigeria, domestic terrorism has a lengthy history. Terrorist attacks have occurred in both the north and the south of the nation. Nigeria’s most dangerous terrorist organizations include Niger Delta Avengers, Militant, Boko Haram, and others. These groups have used tactics like suicide bombings, kidnapping, looting, illegal detention, extrajudicial killings, arson, and kidnapping. Even though some of these organizations enjoy strong local support, the Nigerian military occasionally faces difficulties due to these organizations’ use of terrorism. Since the country’s return to civilian governance, violent unrest in several of its geopolitical regions has plagued Nigeria. These violent uprisings that assumed terrorist proportions added to the threat to national security, which has the power to split the nation. Hundreds of individuals have been killed as a result of terrorist assaults, and bombings have willfully destroyed property worth billions of naira.
The focus of this study is the strategic impact of these terrorist attacks on Nigeria’s national security, despite the abundance of literature on terrorism and “the terms” national security. Additional research is required to clarify the relationship between terrorism and national security in Nigeria. Armed resistance against the agents of the Nigerian state and transnational oil companies operating in the area, open confrontation with police and military personnel, violent attacks against the populace, vandalizing a pipeline, bombing an oil installation, kidnappings, and hostage taking have serious strategic repercussions for Nigeria in the eyes of the international community. Since the terrorist groups’ actions, especially those that began in 1999, have posed a serious threat to the country’s security, it has become one of the most hazardous locations in the world to live. This sect’s efforts have the potential to destroy the nation. Finding a long-term solution to these groups’ complaints is therefore crucial.
Ajibola (2014) further argued that it is in the interests of the United States and the international community to assist Nigeria in addressing this intricate, diverse terrorist threat. In conjunction with the deployment of armed forces, the temporary closure of international borders in the northern regions, and the creation of a special counterterrorism force, Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan issued a state of emergency in four states in early 2012: Yobe, Borno, Plateau, and Niger (Ajibola, 2014). Additionally, according to Balogun (2014), the aforementioned measures were taken in case the nation’s most recent attempts to combat and defeat Boko Haram fail since the terrorist violence could grow, destabilizing an already flimsy government and possibly spreading to neighboring nations. A protracted terrorism campaign could have a negative effect on the world economy because the country is the biggest oil provider in the area. Numerous hundred Nigerians were murdered or hurt in Boko Haram strikes in just the first two months of 2012, which is a very concerning increase in the human cost of terrorist activity (Balogun, 2014).
1.3 The purpose of the study
Examining terrorism and Nigeria’s external perception under Goodluck Jonathan’s leadership is the study’s overarching goal.
The particular goals are:
to ascertain the elements that contributed to terrorism under Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency.
to ascertain how President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration’s foreign policy has been impacted by terrorism.
To analyze the nature and dynamics of the current President Goodluck Jonathan administration’s image issue in Nigeria
to ascertain whether Goodluck Jonathan’s administration faced any difficulties in putting anti-terrorism policies into practice.
1.4 Questions For Future Research
What aspects of terrorism were present in Nigeria under Goodluck Jonathan’s leadership?
Has terrorism had an impact on Nigeria’s relations with other countries during President Goodluck Jonathan’s leadership?
What were the characteristics and dynamics of Nigeria’s image crisis during the presidency of Goodluck Jonathan?
What difficulties did Goodluck Jonathan’s administration have when putting anti-terrorism policy into practice?
1.5 Importance of the research
This study’s main focus is the issue of terrorism and its effects on Nigeria’s national security. It examines how terrorism may affect Nigeria in the global society. This study is significant for a variety of reasons based on this foundation. The study, which traces the historical development of domestic terrorism in Nigeria and discusses how corruption, ethno-political control of resources, poor governance, poverty, beatings and blows against, etc., have all contributed to the rise of terrorism in Nigeria, is of the utmost importance for policy makers and citizens. Second, Nigeria’s significance as a source of energy for the world ultimately resulted in a significant foreign presence in the nation; in particular, the US, China, and Great Britain, which rely heavily on Nigeria for their oil imports, have significant political and economic presences. It is no accident that these nations have been particularly important in Nigeria’s anti-terrorism policy and in preparing their militaries for particular anti-terrorism duties. As a result, the involvement of international stakeholders in terrorism in Nigeria becomes crucial for this study since it has increased discussion about how and why counterterrorism policies are modified. Essentially, the study will raise further inquiries concerning homegrown terrorism in Nigeria. Thirdly, this research will contribute to the dissemination of knowledge about Nigerian terrorism and its implications for other nations dealing with similar problems. With amnesties, successful dialogue with the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), and the recent announcement of a ceasefire by the terrorist organization Boko Haram, it is possible for the government to defeat domestic terrorism through peaceful means and dialogue. Fourth, it is helpful to scholars working in adjacent subjects, in particular political historians, dogmatic scientists, economics, and experts in international relations. Finally, it is believed that this study would help future efforts to resolve the Nigerian problem by bringing out a fresh perspective based on adopting a holistic perspective. The political class will learn via this study the importance of being patriotic.
1.6 Study’s scope and limitations
This research examines terrorism and Nigeria’s international reputation under the leadership of Goodluck Jonathan.
1.7 Restrictions on the Study
When producing a piece of study like this, the researcher’s issue is not a lack of resources but rather their accessibility and potential for bias in their presentation. This study is up to date and politically charged. As a result, the researcher must interpret the terrorist organizations’ actions and the Nigerian government’s anti-terrorism strategy, some of whose policies are still being implemented. Finally, there is the potential issue of time and financial constraints on this research. These limitations were, however, successfully controlled to increase the study’s objectivity in its presentation.
1.8 Definition of key words
Administration: During his term, Goodluck Jonathan managed public affairs, government properties, project oversight, and personnel organization. .Terrorism is defined as the unofficial or unauthorized use of force and violence against people or property to intimidate or coerce a government as well as the general populace, or a subset thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives.
External image: is how other people perceive a specific thing; it could also be a visual representation of an event like terrorism.
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