The Military Rule And Political Transition In Nigeria: An Appraisal Of Abacha Regime (1993-1998)

The Military Rule And Political Transition In Nigeria: An Appraisal Of Abacha Regime (1993-1998)

Abstract

This study analyzes military rule and the political transition to republic in Nigeria. It enquires into how military intervenes in the Nigerian politics in the recent time. The study also examines how corruption induces military intervention in Nigerian politics due to the embezzlement of public finances by our political leaders as well as mismanagement of government parcels. This study looks at the major challenges in Nigeria ‟ s transition to popular rule so as to establish the gap in the being literature by examining the places played by ethno- political associations in the country and also the conditioning of some ethnical regulars like OPC in the West, Arewa in the North and Youth associations in the south.

Chapter One preface

Background of the Study

In this study, I examined the relationship between ethno political organisations and the transition from military rule to mercenary rule( republic) in Nigeria between 1993 and 1998. I also interrogate into both how ethno political associations affected the process of democratisation and how the process, in turn, told their places in politics generally, and in aggravating or upgrading politicalconflicts.Ethno political associations are visage ethnical conformations serving or out porting to serve the political interest of their members, theirco-ethnics and ethnical motherlands. They could be seen as specific movement organisations pursuing further verbose and generalized ethnical interests. The political part of ethnical organisations has been well proved by spectators of Nigerianpolitics.In fact, by the 1920s southern Nigeria was awash with similar associations with immediate and remote political points, taking their names from separate communities and clans of their members. Recognising their nascent political aspiration, a 1935 social report described them as youthful men ‟ s club of semi politicalnature.By the middle times of colonialism in Nigeria, these youthful men ‟ s club were hastily turned into visage-ethnical organisations. Ethno- political organisations similar as the Igbo aged grades or unions, the Hausa Fulani Jamiuyar Mutanen( Arewa) and Yoruba Egba Omo Oduduwa, were the main ethno political organisations ruining our country Nigeria, before the attainment of our independence on October, 1960. These visage ethnical organisations were to come important actors in the popular struggle of Nigerian people against social rule, which crowned in independence in 1960. The salutary places they played in the first were of democratization in Nigeria, including the dynamics of their relations with the colonialist and another has been articulated by somestudies.Nevertheless, the precipitate decline of Nigeria into authoritarian rule a many times after independence, characterised by nearly three decades of military rule, has also been criticized on the political intervention of these ethnicalorganisations.Consequently, when the military seized power and banned all political parties in 1966, at least 26 ethnical and artistic associations were alsobanned.Still, ethno political organisations remained central in Nigerian politics generally, and in the recent process of ending authoritarian rule in particular. Some of the organisation that surfaced in this process include the Egbe Afenifere, literally meaning persons wishing to cover their interest in association with others and Egba Ilosiwaju Yoruba( Association of Yoruba progressive) claiming to represent Yoruba interest, the Mkpoko Igbo( union of Igbo ‟ s) for the Igbo, the movement for the survival of Ogoni people( MASSOP) for the nonage Ogonis and the northern Elders Forum representing or perceived to represent Hausa Fulani interests. Some of them have coalesced into larger inter ethnical and indigenous ensembles like the southern Mandata Group with purports to represent all ethnical interest in the south of the country.

The primary ideal of this study is to explain the places of ethno political organisations, in the transition to republic in Nigeria which began in 1986, when the also military government of General Babangida blazoned its transition programme. That attempts was muffed, maybe temporarily, with the dissolution of presidential election on June 12th, 1993. Three months latterly, the military led by General Sani Abacha, a prominent member of the Babangida administration, seized power and promised to return the country to a popular government which he noway did until he failed in 1998.

Statement of the Problem

colorful studies have examined transitions to republic in Africa, frequently sticking them within the environment of the so called third surge of republic, which refers to the recent experience of eastern European, Latin America and Africancountries.Although there are still numerous differing voices calling for further rigorous examination of the conception of republic the dominant station is that the republic on offer is settled, videlicet liberalmulti-party republic this station, in utmost cases, is both reflection and a result of the renaissance and rejuvenescence of Tocquevillean and Schumpetarian sundries of republic as institutional political arrangement and practices of west, and democratization as the spread of those institutions withthem.This process is also seen as ineludible, contrary to this position, still the originality of Africa ‟ s transitions are inarguable. Surely, redundant African influences have impacted on Africa ‟ s transition, but to be spread by converting others. To be sure, the reversals formerly being endured in popular transitions in some African countries and slope into authoritarian rule in others, suggest to us the need for a reappraisal of the popular content of African transitions. One factor that numerous will agree is central to similar reappraisal is race. The interface between race and republic has been prominent theme in extant literatures. Studies have concentrated on the complementary impact of race and multiparty republic. While some argue a negative impact of race on republic, others argue positive( or potentially positive) link. What’s still lacking still, are in debt studies of the concrete experience of multi ethnical African societies in the light of transitions to republic. That’s the major concern of this study. In doing this, we must realize that the political interventions of ethnical groups in politics aren’tspontaneous.Ethnic groups act in politics through their associations. In fact, we know that ethnical organisations occasionally help to construct individualities in the first place. similar organisations as they worked in Nigeria ‟ s trouble to transition to popular rule between 1993 and 1998 constitute the focus of ourstudy.In a view to negotiating this exploration work effectively, I thus pose the following exploration questions

1. Does corruption account for military intervention in Nigerian politics?

2. Does ethno political associations induce military intervention?

3. What are the challenges in Nigeria ‟ s transition to popular rule in Nigeria?

Objects of the Study

The general objects or purpose of this study is to examine the problems and prospects encountered by military rule in Nigeria with special references to political transition in Nigeria 1993 – 1998. The specific objects are

1. To examine how corruption accounts for military intervention in Nigerian politics.

2. To determine the places played by ethno- political associations in military intervention.

3. To find out the major challenges in Nigerian ‟ s transition to popular rule.

Significance of the Study

The most important significance of this study is that indeed in the environment of the liberal popular design, what remains largely lacking in being studies is analysis of the particularity of race in on- going popular transitions in Africa. There’s need to assay the impact of race not only the process of transition, but also its differentphases.This study is thus significance because it helps exploration scholars or scholars, as well as those who wish to specialise in this area of study, to understand and be in position to assay the major influence or causes of military interventions in Nigerian politics, again the main places being played by ethno political organisations in Nigeria whether positive or negative, and eventually, to understand the prospects and challenges being faced by the service and ethno political organisations in Nigeria ‟ s transition to civil rule.

Literature Review

Literature review of this work is grounded on different commentary and findings of different scholars on their views and prospects about service inpolitics.Ruth First,( 1970) explained military intervention in relation suppose tank propositions. One of such the bones was that expounded by Finer. The Finer explains intervention primarily in terms of social terrain in which the military functions. According to situations of political societies, which were determined by the strength or weakness attached to mercenaryinstitutions.Janowitz School( 1964) on the other hand, draws attention to the parcels of service itself to its hierarchical organisation and its distinctive patterns of reclamation and training, control anddiscipline.Huntington,( 1964194) sees military intervention as being apolitical in nature. To him, in societies where social institutions and social forces are largely politicized, similar as political universities, political bureaucracies, and political church and of cause political fortified forces, military intervention isinevitable.According to Alex Thomson( 2000131) he sees achievement d etat as unforeseen illegal relegation of government in which members of the security forces play a prominent part. He says achievement can be archconservative or revolutionary, bloody or bloodless. They must still be unforeseen, lasting a matter of hours or days rather thanweeks.For Steve Egbo,( 20018) he sees military achievement as a situation where the service may decide to erect the being government and assume total control of the outfit of the state and civil government at its loftiest position which is generally known as achievement d etat, it’s frequently achieved through inordinate violence andbloodshed.In view of Emezi and Ndo,( 198737) military rule is generally regarded as an aberration. A generally accepted political system in such a system that’s governed directed and controlled by mercenary political class which has been signed by popular choice to the decision making structures of thestate.Ndo further argued that military rule isn’t a feasible cover to a duly and popularly tagged government.A.K. Ocran observed that the capability of the service in the area of political leadership is unconstitutional. He argued that the dogfaces should leave politics alone when they try to run a country. This is anyhow of the fact that the service when compared with their mercenary counterparts have shown to be more good of politicalleadership.Isawa Elangwu,( 1988120) in his, Gowon the memoir of a dogface, statement takes a look at the political memoir of Gowon. He observed that while Gowon demonstrated beyond mistrustfulness that he was an effective binder, his powers were soon too tested by a number of dilemma in Nigerian political system/. This dilemma he argues was latterly responsible for his dismiss in 1975. They include the incapability to apply satisfactorily his nine point political programme. blazoned in 1970, Black and African Festival of trades and culture( FESTAC), Udoji payment awards and inflationary frails, labour strikes and a change for Gowon of his apprentices who had been in office since 1967. There was also artificial uneasiness, abandoned property issue, “ Dodam Barracks Politics, ” corruption of in high places especially among the apprentices. The corruption of this apprentices attracted public roar that they should be removed. Yet Gowon remained adamant. He’d see no need to primitive measures to check the surpluses of hislieutenants.As regards being further of political leadership as observed by Ocran, bone wonders on how an ill-trained person would effectively lead without being escaped. It was against this background that Oyediran stressed that it was only in the areas which are related to the normal functioning of the service as an institution that success has been much achieved. still, Ocran supported that before political power can be handed over to the service and democratically tagged mercenary government there should be a transition to civil rule programme which would be lengthy so as to make room for the drafting of a new constitution, established of political institutions and the election of civilians into representative ‟ s political positions. He further asserts that there should be a reorientation of the millions Vis – a- Vis their social political cerebral and profitable knowledge. For Ocran, a complete demiliterilization of the political system entails such a comprehensive programme of military transition to civil rule.

He still, advised that any incipiently transfer of political power would simply encourage there-emergence of themilitary.As estimable as this preposition might feel, it had so far served to immortalize military rule due to the expansive process of military advancement which similar political programmes requires. To this extent, numerous military transitions to civil rule programmes tend to protract military rule, on this issue of political education through state agencies, there tend to be a contradiction because of power can truly educate the millions on the principles ofdemocracy.A number of pens have their generalizations bout the reason why corruption is current in the service and other developing countries. Verda Eker,( 198125- 70) in his composition published in the journal of ultramodern African studies sees corruption as a wide spread miracle in the developing worlds. The term he argued is generally reserved for the practice of using power of office for making private gain in branch of the laws and regulations typically in force or as further simply defined byM.C. Milan, a public functionary is loose if he accepts plutocrat for doing commodity that he’s under duty to do any way, that he’s under duty to do or exercise a licit discretion, for indecorous reasons. He says that corruption flourish in Nigerian service because the necessary and sufficient conditions for its actuality are current in Nigeria. Among the necessary conditions are the subsistence of fat public wealth, the attention of political and profitable opinions making power in sanctioned Dom and the high growth rate of public wealth? The necessary conditions are what he appertained to as normal law and authoritystructure.In order words, Verda is talking about the attention of political and profitable power and accelerated pace of profitable development as rich grounds for corruption. We shall still differ with Verda because his assertions are largely deficient as an explanation tool for explaining corruption in Nigerian service. In the first place, his assertion that corruption is peculiar to developing countries similar as Nigeria is false. Corruption also obtains in the advances western countries. The different is only in terms of degree and compass. And also, the accelerated pace of profitable development aren’t rich grounds for corruption. Rather it’s the objective base in the process and the character for which it creates that’s responsible forcorruption.Also DavidH. Barbley( 1966732) in an composition contained in western political Daily asserted that corruption in developing countries isn’t necessary antipathetic to the development of ultramodern profitable and social system. He argues that corruption has salutary goods on developing countries, taking into consideration the profitable and social artistic values of the area in question. Among the check list of his salutary effect of corruption are increased in allocation of coffers down from consumption into investment, increase in the quality of life of public menial, that corruption and nepotism could be emulated and espoused asnorms.In fact, there’s a abecedarian excrescence and impairment in Barley ‟ s argument. His assertion that corruption is salutary to developing countries and not to developed countries is deficient and fraught with abecedarian bias. His workshop is an attempt to justify corruption in developing countries which has its origin in the colonizer andpost-colonial socio profitableformations.Another pen Collins Lacy( 19651230- 230) in his composition n the journal of ultramodern African studies sees the state as an arena with a great deal of geste aren’t geared towards the support of a single conception of public interest. He asserts that there are three reasons for this station. He says that idea of a public interest is weak because the idea of a nation is new and that the leaders aren’t apprehensive of the sanctioned purpose requires of them. Another reason he argued was the new state because people are generally not apprehensive of what the sanctioned placesrequires.Collins analysis is deficient because in the first case, leaders, in developing countries aren’t ignorant of the sanctioned part, needed of them. It’s also true that people aren’t apprehensive of what’s needed of the officers. numerous people in developing countries are apprehensive of what the functionary should do while in office indeed though these officers and engaged in loose practices.

Another pen, Chinua Achebe,( 198337) in his book The Trouble with Nigeria, Sees corruption in Nigeria as an issue which has an objective base on the Nigeria leaders. He asserts that corruption is rampant among Nigeria leaders. He goes further to argue that Nigeria in not different from any other country in the world, and that they’re loose because the system in which they lived is loose and that bones the system is changed, corruption can be perfected. He linked seven deadly ills or distemperatures of Nigerian political leaders and society which includes the following tribalism, tone- conceit and flashiness, lack of intellectual rigour, lack of nationalism, indiscipline andcorruption.Achebe ‟ s work is deficient because it fails to stick corruption and other ills of society within the commercial profitable system as well as the colonizer and neo- social character of the Nigerian society. Also, it fails to put corruption within a abstractframework.AnkieM.M. Hoogrelt,(1992127-137) in his book The Sociology of the Developed societies sees corruption as the evil companion vehicle for concession between poorly intertwined structures of social order.

According to him, loose practices in contemporary developing societies are much more pervasive, much further of and everybody pattern of life, and that they disrupt profitable life to a fair lesser than is the case in the advanced countries. Ankie failed to realize that loose practices are also pervasive in the advanced countries. Notable exemplifications are the United State Watergate reproach and the British poulsonaffair.Omotunde asserts that corruption live if there’s a division of government profit of nation income inflow in order to argue the current government members private wealth, when the ultimate aren’t fairly entitled to do so, we may have to note that the abuse of state power extends beyond the enrichment of the government officers themselves. It occasionally involves giving overdue favours to other people with whom government officers haverelationship.Claude Ake,( 19812) in his book political frugality of Africa sees corruption as an issue that has an obligation base in the product process. He sees corruption as a miracle which created and is dependent on a particular socio- profitable condition. He argued that corruption live in commercial and class societies which the commercial stategenerates.Okwudiba Nnoli,( 19839) in his book, preface to politics sees corruption as also having objects in the product process. He argued that crop of leaders has been producing tends to be loose because they play what he called internal and cerebral discipline which come to an individual as he uses labour in the product of value. He went further to argue that colonialism created this class of leaders who are a position of dominance in the post- colonizer commercial state like Nigeria. That this class leaders not only come loose demonstration but also machinate with the transnational bourgeoisie class in immortalizing corruption inNigeria.Jemibewon( 1978) in his book, A combatant in government observed that under Gowon ‟ s governance corruption had reached such a pitch that top public functionaries wallowing in it didn’t bother to take trouble to concerned he acts of corruption from public aspect . Onigu Otite( 1982 10) has also made some important attempt in explaining the effect of corruption on the base of the fleece benefits approach. In his constitution, he states that those who accept the positive side of corruption argue that

wide corruption would provoke resentment and promote the clause of a revolution salutary to society in the long run.

corruption can challenge to excel others in competitive bidding and payment of high product effectiveness in commodity product.

corruption provides a chance for groups other than political parties to articulate their politicalprocess.The colorful point frequently appertained to as the benefits of corruption are simply colorful ways by which those who control state power accumulate wealth for them. On the other hands, dishonors associated with corruption could be salutary to society in the sense of promoting political mindfulness. still, this has not been the case in Nigeria. The regular experience is that any government – servicewoman and military likewise- that’s involved in corruption faces the trouble of militarycoup.The prevalence of corruption which the service had frequently justified for coming into government is what we’ve set out to rethink.

Theoretical Framework

proposition is an explicatory study, used in describing different political miracle. There are numerous propositions that could explain political events, thus the suitable proposition for this work, military rule and political transition in Nigeria is the Power proposition. This approach was deduced from the ideas of some traditional thinkers similar as Machiavelli( 1469 – 9527) Hobbes( 1588- 1679), and Nietzsche( 1844-1900) as well as ultramodern pens like Max Webber, Catlin, Merriam, Lasswell, Kaplan, Watkins, Treitschke and Morgenthan. The emphasis of this approach is on the development of redoubtable military power and the timber of wars as according to them the substance of the state power. According to Allen Ball( Modern Politics and Government, 1988), the conception of political power is a crucial conception in the study of politics. Because if politics is the resolution of conflict, the distribution of power within a political community determines how the conflict is to be resolved and whether the resolution is to be effectively observed by all parties.

suppositions

The exploration formulates the following suppositions grounded on the statement of the problems of thus1. Corruption accounts for military intervention in Nigerian politics similar as the embezzlement of public finances.2. Ethno- political associations played some places in military intervention of Nigerian politics through the conditioning of some political and religious groups in the country.3. There are challenges in Nigeria ‟ s transition to civil rule in terms of the malpractices during choices and the failure of leadership quality by our leaders1.8 system of Data Collection and Data AnalysisThe system of data collection espoused in carrying out this exploration work is the secondary datacollection.The secondary data collection refers to formerly collected data, stored or published. Source of secondary data include Books, Journals, journals, Magazines, Books in affiliated areas.