Executive-legislative Relations And Democratic Consolidation In Nigeria’s Fourth Republic 2007-2017

Executive-legislative Relations And Democratic Consolidation In Nigeria’s Fourth Republic 2007-2017

Chapter One

Introduction/ Background Of The Study

Governance is imperative for the social, political and profitable progress of every country and is necessary for the achievement of the noble objects of a state( Fabbrini, 1995; Oburota, 2003; Ogundiya, 2010). Governance is viewed in terms of process and structure. therefore, Gill( 2002) views it as the processes, structures and organizational traditions that determine how power is exercised, how stakeholders have their say-so, how opinions are taken and how decision- makers are held to regard. Ogundiya( 2010) in a veritably terse and brief manner sees governance as conforming as conforming of two essential rudiments of the state, videlicet, the structure of the state and the procedures of the legislative, judicial, administrative and executive bodies at all categories of government.

moment, republic is the dominating form of government in the world, its rivals have “ either faded, turned into eccentric survival, or retreated from the field to hunch down in their last fortresses ”( Dahl, 1998).

Republic began further than 2,400 times ago in Ancient Greece. Republic as a system of government is one in which the citizens exercise power directly or handpick representatives to form a governing body similar as a congress or in the case of Nigeria the National Assembly. It’s occasionally appertained to as the “ the rule of the maturity ”. The top purposes for the establishment of republic by the people are the protection of their rights, interests and weal. In a republic there are generally three top arms or organs of government which are the superintendent, council and the bar but we will limit this study to the superintendent and council and the relationship between them. In a republic, the superintendent carries out or implements the laws made by the Legislature. Maduabuchi( 2001) and Andre( 1994) agree that while the superintendent as a form of government is responsible for policy expression, evaluation and prosecution to realize set targets, the council enacts laws and make the same functional as instrument of cohesion in the society. The belief then’s that all the situations of government, be they administrative, council and bar, each of them may not inescapably live without the other meaning that each organ of government is mutually buttressing and contingent upon the success or failure of the other. It goes further to say that there’s no political moose in the practice of the specifications and injunctions of the Nigerian constitution just as there’s no secret cow in the division of justice in all its ramifications. The superintendent is thus seen as the accessory and personification of the legislative arm just as the bar as the third arm is seen as the arbitrator of the two( Ekhator, 2003; Bade, 2000).

The hostility and bickering in the First and Second Republic crowned into times of military interruptions and expropriation of the arm of governance from the arms of government especially the Administrative and Legislature, and denied them the occasion to grow and develop over time in their relationship together.

For a republic to mature( anticipated to endure) the political actors must accept the legality of republic and no actor must seek to act outside popular tenets, institutions etc. The political actors which we concentrate on then in this case are the superintendent and the council. The necessity of erecting a workable community and desirable relationship between forces of government at the situations of both superintendent and council lies at the heart of this exploration. The tendency still is to enhance good, cordial relationship in the superintendent and legislative arena so as to institutionalize the tradition of stylish transnational practices so as to engender popular connection. still, it’s intriguing to note that the Nigerian political system since her independence in 1960 has grossly known no peace considering the high position of feud orchestrated by political numbers in the country thereby eitherover-heating the formerly strained system or at best, running the Nigerian reality more or less like a private estate. At the dawn of its political independence, transnational attention had shifted to Nigeria as a country that would conceivably make giant strides toward sustainable republic and good governance, development in Africa. similar expedients weren’t lost, given the mortal and natural coffers abundant in the country. Paradoxically, Nigeria plunged into conflicts, which have rocked the foundation of the country since independence due to the foundations as well as consolidated deficient social, profitable, political and experimental structures laid from the morning, arising from the social origin of the Nigerian state. The administrative system of government that was in place in the First Republic Constitution willed to Nigeria ennobled a system of participated power between the Prime Minister and President and no complete separation of power between the Administrative and the Legislature( Dudley, 1982; Nwabueze, 1985; Momoh, 2000; Akinwumi, 2004).

The restoration of mercenary rule in Nigeria on October, 1979 after thirteen times of military rule also brought with it the “ Washington model ” of administrative presidential and gubernatorial government and Nigeria turning its reverse on the Westminster model. The presidential system espoused was modeled after that of the United States of America. It was also rested on a presidential single superintendent system of popular governance. There was provision for a clear separation of the places, labor force and powers of the superintendent and the council able of harmoniousinter-organ relations as well as insure the independence of the council so as to enhance the performance of both the superintendent and legislative organs of government( Dudley, 1982; Fasugba, 2009).

The new 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria came into force with effect from the 29th of May, 1999, the date of the military handover of governance to a democratically tagged mercenary governance. The document was largely grounded on the 1979 presidential constitution, with some emendations. Following the relinquishment of the presidential system of government in Nigeria, thus no bone arm of government is superior to the other; neither is any inferior to the other. In substance, there was a separation of powers and a system of checks and balances which is veritably central to a popular system of governance which Nigeria professes to borrow.

The connections between the council and the superintendent are one of the crucial defining characteristics of the functioning of any political system( Kopecky, 2004). It’s central to the indigenous and political system of any home and has been at the van of administrative debate in recent times( Winetrobe, 2000). These connections are complex, depending on a range of formal and informal practices. The indigenous birthrights vested in houses and the superintendent are, of course, most important because they structure the relations between the two powers( National Democratic Institute( NDI), 2000). still, multitudinous informal rules and conventions, similar as the customs concerning nomination of members of the press following an election, virtually precedent, habit and the influence of political parties are veritably important as well( Bernick & Bernick, 2008). Formative connections between the superintendent and the legislative arms of government are essential to the effective conservation of the constitution and the rule of law( Holme, 2007). In recent times, still, the character of these connections has changed significantly, both because of changes in governance and because of wider societal changes. Analysis of these relations will bring to the spotlight the nature of council- superintendent relations, the factors actualizing similar relations with a view to bringing to the fore valid modalities for perfecting it and icing popular connection. This exploration examines the dynamics, nature, causes and consequences of the relationship between the two arms and on popular connection in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic 2007- 2017.

Statement Of The Problem

The council and the superintendent in the presidential system espoused by Nigeria are each vested with some defined conditioning of government. In numerous felicitations common sweats and collaborations are naturally needed in the exercise of their powers. The nature of these relations between the superintendent and council in the presidential system has over the times, attracted wide variety of shoes both about conflict and cooperation, whether one or the other dominates and what benefits or arrears affect from moreover. Some see the conflict between council and superintendent as necessary and a salutary precondition to limiting and controlling government( Madison, 1992; Magil, 2001). The principle of separation of powers is one unique point of a republic. At the same time, the branches are anticipated to serve as checks on each other as a preventative measure against absolute or abuse of power. The relationship between the superintendent and council is imperative to the growing of republic which is what popular connection principally means. For republic to consolidate the superintendent and the council have veritably important places to play.

Unfortunately in Nigeria moment this relationship has occasionally hovered or hampered republic and its connection especially with the conduct of members of both the superintendent and council, some of these conduct will be stressed in this study. The relationship between the superintendent and the council in Nigeria has been characterized by collective dubitation , mistrust, political contest( Nwannekanma & Ogbodo, 2010). Despite the vittles in the 1999 constitution aimed at amending the problems linked with these relations in antedating democracy, managing these relations has been the single most problematic issue both at the Centre and the state position since the country’s return to civil rule in 1999.

It’s thus imperative to examine the nature of the legislative-administrative relations in fostering popular connection. This exploration thus investigates the nature of the relationship between the two branches of government at the Civil position regarding the connection of republic

Exploration Questions

The questions that this study seeks to address are

1. Does the hindrance in legislative processes by the superintendent undermine cordial relationship between the superintendent and council?

2. Did the absence of cordial relationship between the superintendent and the council weaken popular connection?

Objects Of The Study

The end of this study is to examine the relations between the superintendent and the council in fostering popular connection in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic between 2007 and 2017. Following this thing, the specific objects to be pursued in this study are

1. To assess the issues of administrative hindrance in legislative process

2. To assess if the absence of cordial relationship between the superintendent and the council tends to weaken the connection of republic

Exploration Suppositions

The exploration thesis of this exploration is as follows

H1 absence of cordial relationship between the superintendent and the council weakens the connection of republic

H2 overdue hindrance in legislative processes by the superintendent undermines cordial relations between them

Significance Of The Study

This exploration has significance both theoretically and virtually. Theoretically, the study will add to the being body of knowledge formerly in actuality on the relations between the superintendent and the council especially in Nigeria. It’ll also bandy the issue of popular connection in Nigeria and its relation with the relations between the superintendent and the council.

virtually, this discussion will give information to scholars, scholars who probe into the relations between the superintendent and the council, and also on popular connection in Nigeria.

The findings will also be of immense benefits to stakeholders in the political geography of Nigeria and also members of both the superintendent and the council in Nigeria.

Eventually, this study will serve as a springboard towards continued exploration in superintendent- legislative relations, republic and its connection in Nigeria.