Secessionist Aspirations In Nigeria

 

Introduction

 

In 1885, Nigeria started to change. There were a number of factors that influenced Nigeria’s evolution. However, when the industrial revolution spread throughout Europe, it was vital for the European powers to start looking to Africa for the raw resources they needed to support their domestic industries. Despite the evident truth that the Federal Republic of Nigeria has never actually been one homogeneous nation, the former colonial rulers chose to maintain this status quo in order to efficiently manage the nation’s essential resources for their economic purposes. Because each side had a different administrative structure, culture, and language, the northern and southern halves of Nigeria were merged in 1914 for administrative convenience, sharing only the name of the nation (Nigeria).2This was not a sufficient foundation for true unity.

 

Instead of bringing the diverse peoples closer together and forming the cultural, social, religious, and linguistic linkages necessary for true human unity, the amalgamation led to rivalry, conflict, and a stark gap in development. As a result, ethnic rather than national interests were used to build parties. Therefore, they had little ability to unite the people in their opposition to the colonial ruler. Instead, it was the people themselves who suffered as a result of the political conflicts, which were meant to end foreign rule.3

 

Nigeria established a federation and remained a single nation after gaining independence. Soon after, with growing ferocity, the conflict to maintain the legacy of political and military supremacy of a region of Nigeria over the rest of the federation started.4 First, it was said that the 1962 general census was rife with irregularities and massive undercounting that the Eastern area refused to accept the results. This is one of the events that sparked the civil war. Second, it was said that the general elections in 1964 were neither free nor fair, which caused a breakdown in law and order and set the stage for the January 1966 revolution, which was purportedly carried out by residents of the Eastern area. On July 29, 1966, northern military officers staged a countercoup. Due to their lack of planning and vindictive intentions, the second coup resulted in widespread chaos, confusion, and needless killings of people from the east, which sparked the start of the civil war5.

 

As a direct outcome of the civil war and the ongoing aspirations of Biafra in the past, this essay analyzes the secessionist aspirations in Nigeria, a case study of MASSOB.

 

1.1 Statement of the problem:

 

In practically every part of the world, the end of the cold war sparked fresh secessionist aspirations as well as the strengthening and reawakening of old or dormant separatist claims.6 Nigeria has a shifting calm environment for political growth before to 1966. However, Nigeria entered a different kind of crisis following the coup in 1966. The movement for the actualization of the sovereign state of Biafra (MASSOB) from Nigeria’s aspirations for secession can be linked to the rise of political intolerance, marginalization, and the government’s callous disregard for the needs of the populace, particularly those in the South East and Niger Delta Region. How far did MASSOB succeed in achieving its goals? What actions has the Nigerian government taken in response to this change.

 

In light of this, the research is designed to provide an overview of these changes and recommendations for how to resolve these issues.

 

Objectives And Goal Of The Study

The purpose of this research project is to highlight the goals and objectives of the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB); its initiatives, its impacts on the development of the Nigerian State, and the strategies it employs to realize its objective—the secession of Biafra—throughout the Nigerian State.

 

1.3 Study Scope And Limitations

 

Scholars have rarely studied secessionist goals. However, the movement for the actualization of the sovereign State of Biafra’s secessionist aspirations is a current problem with roots in the former republic of Biafra.

 

The purpose of this research project is to investigate the historical context of the movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra, as well as its goals, objectives, and operational strategies. It also includes an assessment of MASSOB and a summary and conclusion.

 

1.4 Methodogy

 

The project will use ideas from social sciences, particularly psychology. The John Dollard et al.’s frustrated aggressiveness theory immediately comes to mind.7 According to the theory, a person in a certain society feels frustrated because, in his interactions with his surroundings, he is constrained by events outside of his control that prevent him from achieving his goals. He can hold his anger in check for a while, but if the source of the anger persists, the result will be violence. The MLA style must be used for all citations of informational sources.

 

There are five chapters in the work. The study’s history is covered in Chapter 1. In Chapter 2, the history of how MASSOB came to be is discussed. The third chapter looks at MASSOB’s goals, objectives, and operational plans. The critique of MASSOB and its goals will be the main topic of chapter four. While the overview and conclusion are in chapter five (Chapter 5).

 

1.5 Review Of The Literature

 

Secession was a neglected subject among academics until recently. Due to the rise in attempted and successful secessions over the past ten years and the concept that there is a compelling case for some sort of self government for groups now trapped within states, academics have recently started to focus more on secession. Scholars have, however, placed more emphasis on the Nigerian civil war as a manifestation of secessionist ambitions.

 

A vibrant business has developed around writing on the Nigerian civil war, drawing a wide range of authors with varied agendas. primarily to highlight the numerous influences that influenced how events unfolded in Nigeria.8 Biafra: A Challenge to the Conscience of Britain by H.G. Handbury and Biafra; Naissance d’une Nation by Alain Renard are two examples of publications produced by scholars.

 

the formation of a country, The murder of Nigeria: Obi Egbuna, by Authur Nwankwo and Samuel Ifejika, A. H. M. Kirk-Greene. Nigeria’s crisis and conflicts: A reference work from 1966 to 1970; Paul Oyinbo Major Adewale Ademoyega, Why We Struck: Nigeria Crisis and Beyond. Major General Joe Garba, Another Perspective on the Nigerian Revolution (Dr. The Broken Bridge by R. B. Alade.

 

Since Nigeria was the largest British market in Africa and because the United Kingdom had almost half a billion pounds sterling invested there, G. Handbury’s Biafra: A Challenge to the Conscience of Britain focused on the injustice done to Biafra and the lack of humane concern of Britain in aiding Nigeria to suppress Biafra secession. This book was written from a sentimental standpoint against human suffering and the innate propensity to side with the weaker party in a dispute.

Biafra: Naissance d’ une nation by Alain Renard posed the question of whether or not it was a true African nation founded on the sincere desire of Africans themselves as opposed to a colonial imposition of an artificial border by outsiders. This book primarily focuses on raising awareness of Biafra among Europeans in order to support her claim to the right to exist as an independent and sovereign state.

 

A few Nigerian writers have made significant contributions to this literary work, in addition to the numerous publications on the conflict written by foreign journalists.

 

As insiders of the Biafran situation, authors Nwankwo and Samuel Ifejika wrote about the birth of the Biafran country. They intended the book for a European audience with the intention of capitalizing on the widespread support for Biafra in Europe in order to internationalize the unequal war between Biafra and Nigeria. However, as his book was written from a Biafran perspective, objectivity was never expected.

 

Obi Egbuna, who assassinated Nigeria, attempted to utilize his reputation to advance the cause of Biafra by detailing the crimes against the Igbo people. Although objectivity is not anticipated from this work, it is unquestionable.

 

A. H. H. Kirk Greene’s Crisis and Conflict in Nigeria: A Documentary Source Book 1966-1970 concentrates on a number of speeches, official publications, and comments made by significant individuals and “dramatis personae” in the conflict in Nigeria. Students interested in learning about the Nigerian crisis can also use it as a valuable resource. Only speeches, official documents, and commentary are provided in this book as significant source sources.

 

Beyond the situation in Nigeria author John Oyinbo advocated the idea that given the structural, political, and economic imbalance in the polity, instability in Nigeria was inevitable. But it’s unclear why he chose to go under a pseudonym.

 

The bulk of Major Ademoyega’s “why we struck” addresses the causes behind the military takeover in January 1966. He asserted that the highest ideals, namely to deal ruthlessly with the corrupt regime, were what drove him and his comrades. The motivations for the military intervention in January 1966 are more the subject of this book’s political analysis.

 

Major General Joe Garba’s book Revolution in Nigeria: Another View basically deals with a refutation of many of the claims made by Major General Madiebo in his book My Command, particularly with regard to the issue of Northern dominance of the army and the bending of the promotion rules to accommodate army officer cadets from the north who Madiebo believed to be intellectually inferior. Joe Garba, however, did not recognize the contributions of non-Nigerians, like as the Niger Zaberma and certain Chadians who were practically employed as cannon fodder throughout the conflict. He omitted to mention that the ethnic minority groups in Northern Nigeria were not a distinct breed of Nigerians driven by higher values like nationalism or patriotism, but rather were reacting to the economic advantages the army was offering. Regarding the coup d’état that toppled Yakubu Gowon in July 1975, he remained silent.

 

Dr. R. B. Alade: The Broken Bridge is a field-commissioned lieutenant colonel’s description of his experiences in the Nigerian Army Medical Corps. The book’s title is commendable, but it would have been much better if it had been broken legs to better prepare the reader for the vivid images of the various limbs that Dr. Alade and his colleagues had to operate on. The book isn’t objective enough.

 

This essay examines MASSOB’s attempts to secede from Nigeria by acting out the Nigerian civil war. The need for this essay stems from its examination of the unresolved problems that contributed to the civil war and its relationship to the beginning of MASSOB. MASSOB, a psychological threat to Nigerian unity, may cause the country to fall apart.

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